Updated by Heidi Burgess in JuneOriginally written and posted in July What International War Crimes Tribunals Are International war crimes tribunals are courts of law established to try individuals accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Despite the often heinous nature of the crimes that individuals commit during intractable conflicts, including genocide, torture, and rape, it has become common practice to offer the accused an opportunity to explain his or her actions in front of the victims and their families, as well as the media. Tribunals have almost entirely replaced retributive justice's summary executions. Based on generally agreed-upon international standards of acceptable human behavior, they have introduced a new ethos of liberal legalism for dealing with war crimes.
This is a long article, and it may take a few moments to load. Genocide and So On "I mean the great act of genocide in the modern period is Pol Pot, through - that atrocity - I think it would be hard to find any example of a comparable outrage and outpouring of fury and so on and so forth.
In a long, illustrious career, Chomsky has amassed a formidable array of books, articles, and speeches.
He has been a tireless advocate for the underdog, and has demonstrated admirable commitment to his principles. The underdogs, however, are not always the good guys, a fact clearly illustrated by the Khmer Rouge.
The question of whether or not Noam Chomsky supported the Khmer Rouge is not as clear as either his critics or his defenders would like to pretend. His critics frequently extract a handful of quotes from "Distortions at Fourth Hand" or After the Cataclysm and suggest that Chomsky was an enthusiastic advocate for the Cambodian communists.
His defenders, meanwhile, limit their collections of quotes to Chomsky's disclaimers and qualifiers, conveniently ignoring the underlying theme of his articles: Gathering all of Chomsky's fig leaves into a single pile, they exclaim: My, what a lot of greenery. There was an atrocity, people were outraged, so on and so forth, blah blah blah.
The reaction is Chomsky's primary concern; genocide itself is a lesser point. If Chomsky was initially skeptical of the reports of Khmer Rouge atrocities, he was certainly not alone.
Given that he now acknowledges the brutality of the Khmer Rouge regime, is it fair to continue to criticize him? A peculiar irony is at the heart of this controversy: Noam Chomsky, the man who has spent years analyzing propaganda, is himself a propagandist.
Whatever one thinks of Chomsky in general, whatever one thinks of his theories of media manipulation and the mechanisms of state power, Chomsky's work with regard to Cambodia has been marred by omissions, dubious statistics, and, in some cases, outright misrepresentations.
On top of this, Chomsky continues to deny that he was wrong about Cambodia. He responds to criticisms by misrepresenting his own positions, misrepresenting his critics' positions, and describing his detractors as morally lower than "neo-Nazis and neo-Stalinists. Misconceptions, it seems, have a very long life.
The Right Villains Any detailed examination of Chomksy's comments on Cambodia should begin with his comments in the wake of Lon Nol and Sirik Matak's coup, which overthrew Prince Norodom Sihanouk, and brought to power a staunchly pro-American regime.
In Cambodia, prior to the coup, the war in neighboring Vietnam had been held largely in check. Fighting was limited mainly to the border areas, where large numbers of Vietnamese communists had set up sanctuaries inside Cambodian territory.
After the coup, Sihanouk promptly allied himself with the rebels, and in June,Chomsky wrote a long article in the New York Review of Books, outlining the dire consequences of American involvement in Cambodia.
Despite some misleading remarks, it is, on the balance, a very astute analysis. Chomsky accurately predicted the repercussions of Sihanouk's alliance with the rebels: This would seem unlikely. Now, however, Sihanouk, the 'most ardent and passionate advocate' of the national cause, the person whom one American expert described as being 'a significant expression of the Cambodian people's will,' has identified himself with the rebels.
It is doubtful that the right-wing Lon Nol government, with its narrow urban base, can counter this popular force or win it over.
So many reputations and careers are at stake that glorious victories are guaranteed. On probabilistic grounds alone, one would expect that American military intelligence can't always be wrong about everything.
The headquarters of the Vietnamese resistance forces and the bases that they use for R-and-R must be somewhere, and they may well be found and destroyed during the American-Saigon sweep. Whether the invading troops will withdraw remains to be seen. That the countryside will be devastated and its population removed or destroyed is reasonably certain.
Very probably, if these territories are abandoned by the invading forces, some, at least, will be joined to the area on the South Vietnamese side of the border as an extended free fire zone. With the coup, the delicate balance that had kept Cambodia out of a wider war collapsed.
War soon enveloped the entire country.
These events confirmed Chomsky's predictions.Free Essay: Can India become a Superpower? The question is common and comes in evey mind, the topic is everlasting and in limeline. For being a superpower a. And now it is a nation that wants some things very much. In general, it knows what these things are.
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One of the arguments in support of war crimes tribunals is that they act as a deterrent to potential war criminals. This idea was one of the main arguments behind a push to construct a permanent international war crimes tribunal--now established as The International Criminal Court (ICC).
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