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Lougmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer. We had enjoyed almost unbrok3n peace since the acknowledgment of onr indepen- deuce by Great Britain, in ; and the single important war of the present centnry to which we were parties had had its rise in violations of our rights of neutrality.
But now, all of a sudden, we became belligerents, before either the country or the government was fully acquainted with the new part we had to act. Would it be strange if a nation so situated should abandon its old ground, should stretch belligerent and contract neutral rights, or should ev9n make claims which it had con- tested when they were advanced by others?
Then another pe- culiarity of our situation lay in the nature of our institutions. Such a federal union had not been known before at all, and a disruption on so vast a scale was new to history and to inter- national law.
The organizing power, so strikingly cultivated under our forms of liberty, and the proximity to one another of States having a common interest and common apprehensions, made it easy for them to secede and form a new union, as voL.
This sudden birth of a new confederation, ready for defence or aggression, gave to the foreigner an impression of a want of co- herence between the parts of the Republic, of a fatal weakness at the centre of our system, which augured a vain attempt to re- press revolution either by force, or by concession which would forever enfeeble the general government.
And as soon as the struggle began, it seemed, when looked at from abroad, like a full-blown war, a war, too, over so vast a territory, and against a foe so well organized and so determined, that the issue was not doubtful.
Who would not call the parties to the revolt bel- ligerents? On the other hand, from our point of view, the movement at the South appeared like one of the many threats that had been made before: The government, therefore, was unwilling to admit that a war was upon us, while it took war measures; the enemy was not a belligerent; and if we had had ships enough to set on foot a rigorous blockade of all the Southern coasts, scarcely any levies of troops would be needed: The courts and district attorneys would soon do their work in the restoration of civil order.
If we add the consideration that civil war grows from small beginnings, without announcing itself or revealing what it is to be, it is evident that a difference of opinion on various questions touching the conflict might arise, according as it was watched from near at hand or from across the ocean.
Another point deserving attention, in regard to the contest, was the new questions to which the progress of society during the last half century might give birth. Since the downfall of Napoleon, there had been but short and local wars in Europe.
Neutral interest had vastly increased in importance, when weighed against belligerent interests. The Declaration of Paris in had put a new face for nearly all the nations of Europe on most of the relations of belligerents and neutrals, about which there had been no agreement.
The new way of What liberties would neu- trals concede in regard to such hupplies? Would they change their policy as it respected bringing prizes into their ports?
Questions never asked before would now have to be asked and answered. It was not strange that a war so remarkable in its origin and in its nature, and waged at such an epoch of the world, fastened upon it the attention of the publicists of Europe, some of whom, in their discussions of questions that arose during its progress, have contributed not a little to the science of international law.
Soon after the affair of the Trent was known in Europe, a pro- fessor in an inland university of Germany Marquardsen of Erlangen, in Bavaria gave to the world what is, perhaps, the most satisfactory essay on the points of law involved in that transaction.
The speculations of Hautefeulile are better known and less valuable. The essays of Historicus, especially on the recognition of revolting provinces, were timely and serviceable to the cause of order. Our author, also, who had been for a number of years the Chichele Professor of International Law and Diplomacy at Oxford, gave promise, so to speak, of a larger treatment of the subject by publishing, intwo lectures on the war in America.
He had been before known by his valu- able contribution on the laws and usages of war, which ap- peared in the Oxford essays ofand has since published a small work on diplomacy in general, and more especially as illustrated by the peace of Westphalia.by RICHARD FALCKENBERG Professor of Philosophy in the University of Erlangen THIRD AMERICAN FROM THE SECOND GERMAN EDITION Campanella desired to see the unity in the divine government of the world embodied in a pyramid of states with the papacy at the apex: above the individual states was to come the province.
the empire. finally. and. the. The first is their brevity, in comparison with works by his contemporaries. The second is their breadth of allusion and delight in extended analogies.
The major figures of the Enlightenment included Cesare Beccaria, Voltaire, Denis Diderot, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, David Hume, Adam Smith, Benjamin Franklin visited Europe repeatedly and.
Cornell University Library page images in volume Cornell University Library of sculpture, casts of Italian works as late as John of Bologna; of French down to Jean Goujon;.
of German to Peter Yischer and Adam Krafts; and of English to the end of the Gothic period. though it was a matter of comparatively little impor- tance that the.
John Locke Locke argued in his Two Treatises of Government that political society existed for the sake of protecting "property", which he defined as a person's "life, liberty, and estate" Locke, John () . John Locke’s 1 John Locke and C.B.
Macpherson, Second Treatise of Government (Indianapolis: Hackett Pub., ) 16 2 J ohn Locke and C.B.
Macpherson, Second Treatise of Government (Indianapolis: Hackett Pub., ) 3 John Locke and C.B. Macpherson, Second Treatise of Government (Indianapolis: Hackett Pub., ) xxi view of property as a natural right is a practical element of .
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